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Forex & Currency Update #26 (November 06, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.74 Billion (+4.58%); USD/PKR - 158.11 (-0.652%)

I don't even know how often I should update.
The percentage changes in the title are compared to the figures seven days ago.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since October 02

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
October 02, 2020 $12.1547 Billion -1.66% -5.10% $19.3510 Billion -0.94% -3.06%
October 09, 2020 $11.7984 Billion -2.93% +7.97% $19.0155 Billion -1.73% -4.73%
October 16, 2020 $12.0666 Billion +2.27% -5.00% $19.3016 Billion +1.50% -3.03%
October 23, 2020 $12.1215 Billion +0.45% -1.93% $19.2965 Billion -0.03% -1.22%
October 29, 2020* $12.1826 Billion +0.50% +0.23% $19.3536 Billion +0.30% +0.01%
November 06, 2020 $12.7405 Billion +4.58% +7.98% $19.9069 Billion +2.86% +4.69%
*October 30, 2020 was a public holiday
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since October 02

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
October 02, 2020 164.62595 -1.0503% -0.7520%
October 09, 2020 163.78035 -0.5136% -1.3190%
October 16, 2020 162.69505 -0.6627% -1.8605%
October 23, 2020 161.54865 -0.7046% -2.4914%
October 29, 2020* 160.37880 -0.7241% -2.5799%
November 06, 2020 159.15100 -0.7656% -2.8266%
November 13, 2020 158.11275 -0.6524% -2.8165%
*October 30, 2020 was a public holiday
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on November 14, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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Top 5 Most Famous Traders Of All Time

In all industries there are people credited to being the simplest .
In design, the late Steve Jobs is credited to being the simplest in his industry. In boxing, Muhammad Ali was credited to being the simplest boxer of all time.
In U.S. politics, there's a consensus that Lincoln was the nation’s greatest President by every measure applied.
In the trading world, a variety of traders are known worldwide for his or her skills. From Jesse Livermore to George Soros, we are sharing these tales of past and present traders who had to claw their thanks to the highest .
Here, we'll check out the five most famous traders of all time and canopy a touch bit about each trader and why they became so famous.
Jesse Livermore
Jesse Livermore jumped into the stock exchange with incredible calculations at the age of 15, amassed huge profits, then lost all of them , then mastered two massive crises and came out the opposite side while following his own rules, earning him the nickname “The Great Bear of Wall Street.”
Livermore was born in 1877 in Shrewsbury, Massachusetts.
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He is remembered for his incredible risk taking, his gregarious method of reading the potential moves within the stock exchange , derivatives and commodities, and for sustaining vast losses also as rising to fortune.
He began his career having run far away from home by carriage to flee a lifetime of farming that his father had planned for him, instead choosing city life and finding work posting stock quotes at Paine Webber, a Boston stockbroker.
Livermore bought his first share at 15 and earned a profit of $3.12 from $5 after teaching himself about trends.
George Soros
George Soros has a fantastic backstory.
Born in Hungary in 1930 to Jewish parents, Soros survived the Holocaust and later fled the country when the Communists took power. He went on to become one among the richest men and one among the foremost famous philanthropists within the world.
Most day traders know him for his long and prolific career as a trader who famously “broke the Bank of England” in 1992. Soros made an enormous bet against British Pound, which earned him $1 billion in profit in only 24 hours.
Along with other currency speculators, he placed a bet against the bank’s ability to carry the road on the pound. He borrowed pounds, then sold them, helping to down the worth of the currency on forex markets and ultimately forcing the united kingdom to crash out of the ecu rate of exchange Mechanism.
It was perhaps the quickest billion dollars anyone has ever made and one among the foremost famous trades ever taken, which later became referred to as “breaking the Bank of England”.
Soros is believed to have netted a complete of about $44 billion through financial speculation. And he has used his fortune to find thousands of human rights, democracy, health, and education projects.
Richard Dennis
There are only a couple of traders which will take a little amount of cash and switch it into millions and Richard Dennis was one among them.
Known as the “Prince of the Pit”, Dennis is claimed to have borrowed $1,600 when he was around 23 years old and turned it into $200 million in about 10 years trading commodities. Even more interesting to notice , he only traded $400 of the $1,600.
Not only did he achieve great success as a commodities trader, he also went on to launch the famous “Turtle Traders Group”. Using mini contracts, Dennis began to trade his own account at the Mid America commodities exchange .
He made a profit of $100,000 in 1973. The subsequent year, he capitalized on a runway soybean market to earn $500,000 in profits. He became an impressive millionaire at the top of the year.
However, he incurred massive losses within the Black Monday stock exchange crash in 1987 and therefore the dot-com bubble burst in 2000.
While he's famous for creating and losing tons of cash , Dennis is additionally famous for something else – an experiment. He and his friend William Eckhardt recruited and trained traders, a couple of men and ladies, the way to trade futures. These so-called Turtle Traders went on to form profits of $175 million in 4 years, consistent with a former student.
Paul Tudor Jones
Paul Tudor Jones thrust into the limelight within the 80s when he successfully predicted the 1987 stock exchange , as shown within the riveting one hour documentary called “Trader”.
The legendary trader was born in Memphis, Tennessee in 1954. His father ran a financial and legal trade newspaper. While he was in college, he want to write articles for the newspaper under the pseudonym, “Eagle Jones”.
Jones began his journey within the finance business by trading cotton. He started trading on his own following 4 years of non-trading experience, made profits from his trades but got bored, and later hired people to trade for him so he would not get bored.
But the trade that shot him to fame came on Black Monday in 1987, when he made an estimated $100 million whilst the Dow Jones Industrial Average plunged 22%.
He became a pioneer within the area of worldwide macro investing and was an enormous player within the meteoric growth of the hedge fund industry. He's also known for depending on currencies and interest rates.
He founded his hedge fund, Tudor Investment Corp, in 1980. The fund currently has around $21 billion in assets under management and he himself has an estimated net worth of nearly $5.8 Billion.
John Paulson
Super-trader John Paulson built a private fortune worth $4.4 billion from managing other people’s money. Born in 1955, Paulson made his name and far of his money betting a huge amount of money against the U.S. housing market during the worldwide financial crisis of 2007–2008.
Paulson bought insurance against defaults by subprime mortgages before the market collapse in 2007. He netted an estimated $20 billion on the collapse of the subprime mortgage market, dubbed the best trade ever.
However, his diary since that bet has been patchy at the best . Within the years following the financial crisis, Paulson struggled to match this success.
Failed bets on gold, healthcare and pharmaceutical stocks caused investors to escape his hedge fund Paulson & Co, cutting its assets under management to $10 billion as of January 2020 from a high of $36 billion in 2011.
Earlier this year, Paulson announced the fund would stop managing money for outdoor clients and switch it into a family office. He launched the fund in 1994.
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Your Pre Market Brief for 07/16/2020

Pre Market Brief for Thursday July 16th 2020

You can subscribe to the daily 4:00 AM Pre Market Brief on The Twitter Link Here . Alerts in the tweets will direct you to the daily 4:00 AM Pre Market Brief in this sub.
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News Heading into Thursday July 16th 2020:
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Forex Trading Basics Reddit - Forex Glossary Terms For Beginners

Forex Trading Basics Reddit - Forex Glossary Terms For Beginners

What is Forex - Terminology

https://preview.redd.it/pmjpy8sqh1x51.jpg?width=580&format=pjpg&auto=webp&s=b02715d6d6f153592a967f577c18578363ca731c
The FOREX market is the largest financial market in the world. On a daily basis, trillions of dollars are traded in different currencies around the world.
Being FOREX the basis for international capital transactions, its liquidity and volume are much greater than any other financial market. It is estimated that the average volume traded by the world's largest stock exchange, the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) in a full month, is equal to the volume traded daily in the Forex currency market. In addition, it is estimated that this volume will increase by 25% annually.
80% of transactions are between the US dollar (USD), the euro (EUR), the yen (JPY), the British pound (GBP), the Swiss franc (CHF), and the Australian dollars (AUD) and Canadian (CAD).

What is traded in the Forex market?

We could just say that money. Trading in FOREX simultaneously involves buying one currency (for example euros) and selling another (for example US dollars). These simultaneous purchase and sale operations are carried out through online brokers. Operations are specified in pairs; for example the euro and the dollar (EUR / USD) or the pound sterling and the Yen (GBP / JPY).
These types of transactions can be somewhat confusing at first since nothing is being purchased physically. Basically, each currency is tied to the economy of its respective country and its value is a direct reflection of people's perception of that economy. For example, if there is a perception that the economy in Japan is going to weaken, the Yen is likely to be devalued against other currencies. In other words, people are going to sell Yen and they are going to buy currencies from countries where the economy is or will be better than Japan.
In general, the exchange of one currency for another reflects the condition of the health of the economy of that country with respect to the health of the economy of other countries.
Unlike other financial markets such as the stock market, the currency market does not have a fixed location like the largest exchanges in the world. These types of markets are known as OTC (Over The Counter). Transactions take place independently around the world, mainly over the Internet, and prices can vary from place to place.
Due to its decentralized nature, the foreign exchange market is operated 24 hours a day from Monday to Friday.
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Forex Trading Basics - Basic Forex Terminology

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As with any new skill that is learned, it is also necessary to learn its terminology. There are certain terms that you must know before you start trading Forex. Here are the main ones.

• Major and minor currencies

The 8 most widely used currencies (USD, EUR, JPY, GBP, CHF, CAD, NZD, and AUD) are known as “ major currencies ”. All other currencies are called " minor currencies ." You don't need to worry about minor currencies, as you probably won't start trading them for now. The USD, EUR, JPY, GBP, and CHF currencies are the most popular and most liquid currencies on the market.

• Base currency

The base currency is the first currency in any currency pair. It shows how much the base currency is worth against the second currency. For example, if the USD / CHF has a rate of 1.6350, it means that 1 USD is worth 1.6350 CHF. In the forex market, the US dollar is in many cases the base currency to make quotes, the quotes are expressed in units of $ 1 on the other currency of the pair.
In some other pairs, the base currency is the British pound, the euro, the Australian dollar, or the New Zealand dollar.

• Quoted currency

The quote currency is the second currency in the currency pair. This is often referred to as a "pip-currency" and any unrealized gains or losses are expressed in this currency.

• Pip

A pip is the smallest unit of the price of any currency. Almost all currencies consist of 5 significant digits and most pairs have the decimal point immediately after the first digit. For example EUR / USD = 1.2538, in this case, a pip is the smallest change in the fourth decimal space, which is, 0.0001.
A notable exception is the USD / JPY pair where the pip equals $ 0.01.

• Purchase price (bid)

The buying price (bid) is the price at which the market is ready to buy a specific currency in the Forex market. At this price, one can sell the base currency. The purchase price is displayed on the left side.
For example, in GBP / USD = 1.88112 / 15, the selling price is 1.8812. This means that you can sell a GPB for $ 1.8812.

• Sale Price (ask)

The asking price is the price at which the market is ready to sell a specific currency pair in the Forex market. At this price, you can buy the base currency. The sale price is displayed on the right-hand side.
For example, at EUR / USD = 1.2812 / 15, the selling price here is 1.2815. This means that you can buy one euro for $ 1.2815. The selling price is also called the bid price.

• Spread

All Forex quotes include two prices, the bid (offer) and the ask (demand).
The bid is the price at which the broker is willing to buy the base currency in exchange for the quoted currency. This means that the bid is the price at which you can sell.
The ask is the price at which the broker is willing to sell the base currency in exchange for the quoted currency. This means that the ask is the price at which you will buy. The difference between the bid and the ask is popularly known as the spread and is the consideration that the online broker receives for its services.

• Transaction costs

The transaction cost, which could be said to be the same as the Spread, is calculated as: Transaction Cost = Ask - Bid. It is the number of pips that are paid when opening a position. The final amount also depends on the size of the operation.
It is important to note that depending on the broker and the volatility, the difference between the ask and the bid can increase, making it more expensive to open a trade. This generally happens when there is a lot of volatility and little liquidity, as happens during the announcement of some relevant economic data.

• Cross currency

A cross-currency is any pair where one of the currencies is the US dollar (USD). These pairs show an erratic price behavior when the operator opens two operations in US dollars. For example, opening a long trade to buy EUR / GPB is equivalent to buying EUR / USD and selling GPB / USD. Cross-currency pairs generally carry a higher transaction cost.

• Margin

When you open a new account margin with a Forex broker, you must deposit a minimum amount of money to your broker. This minimum varies depending on each broker and can be as low as € / $ 100 at higher amounts.
Each time a new trade is executed a percentage of your account margin balance will be the initial margin required for a new trade based on the underlying currency pair, current price, and the number of units (or lots) of the trade. .
For example, let's say you open a mini account which gives you a leverage of 1: 200 or a margin of 0.5%. Mini accounts work with mini lots. Suppose a mini lot equals $ 10,000. If you are about to open a mini lot, instead of having to invest $ 10,000, you will only need $ 50 ($ 10,000 x 0.5% = $ 50).

• Leverage

Leverage is the ratio of the capital used in a transaction to the required deposit. It is the ability to control large amounts of dollars with relatively less capital. Leverage varies drastically depending on the broker, it can go from 1: 2 to even 1: 2000. The most common level of leverage in Forex can currently be around 1: 200.

• Margin + leverage = dangerous combination

Trading currencies on margin allows you to increase your buying power. This means that if you have $ 5,000 in account margin that allows you a 1: 100 leverage, you can then buy $ 500,000 in foreign exchange as you only have to invest a percentage of the purchase price. Another way of saying this is that you have $ 500,000 in purchasing power.
With more purchasing power you can greatly increase your potential profits without an outlay of cash. But be careful, working with a high margin increases your profits but also your losses if the trade does not progress in your favor.
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Biweekly Forex & Currency Update #25 (September 25, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.36 Billion (-3.59%); USD/PKR - 164.63 (-0.696%)

Alright, now these updates have become bi-weekly. I like it better like this.
The percentage changes in the title are compared to the figures fourteen days ago.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since August 28

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
August 28, 2020 $12.7127 Billion +0.57% +1.36% $19.8428 Billion +0.61% +1.43%
September 04, 2020 $12.8078 Billion +0.75% +2.71% $19.9613 Billion +0.60% +2.27%
September 11, 2020 $12.8204 Billion +0.10% +1.54% $19.9590 Billion -0.01% +1.54%
September 18, 2020 $12.7016 Billion -0.93% +0.48% $19.9037 Billion -0.28% +0.92%
September 25, 2020 $12.3597 Billion -2.69% -2.78% $19.5348 Billion -1.85% -1.55%
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since August 27

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
August 27, 2020* 167.35600 -0.5105% -0.1291%
September 04, 2020 165.87335 -0.8859% -1.2060%
September 11, 2020 165.96950 +0.0459% -0.0173%
September 18, 2020 165.77935 -0.1146% -1.4478%
September 25, 2020 165.67625 -0.0622% -1.0037%
October 02, 2020 164.62595 -1.0503% -0.7520%
*Data for August 28, 2020 is not available.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on October 02, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

What is Forex?

What is Forex?
Forex, also identified as foreign exchange, FX or currency trading, is a decentralized global market where the entire world's currencies trade. The forex market is the biggest, liquid market in the world with an average daily trading volume beyond $5 trillion. Not all the world’s combined stock markets even come close to this. However, what does that mean to you? Take a closer look at forex trading and you may find some exciting trading opportunities unavailable with other investments.
Forex transaction: it is all in the exchange
If you have ever toured overseas, you have made a forex transaction. Take a trip to Belgium and you convert your British pounds into Euros. When you do this, the forex exchange rate between the two currencies—based on supply and demand—determines how many euros you get for your British pounds. Moreover, the exchange rate varies endlessly.
A single British pound on Monday could get you 1.19 euros. On Tuesday, 1.20 euros. This tiny change may not seem like a big deal. However, think of it on a bigger scale. A big international company may need to pay overseas employees, Imagine what that could do to the bottom line if, like in the example above, simply exchanging one currency for another costs you more depending on when you do it? These few pennies add up quickly. In both cases, you—as a tourist, traveler or a business owner—may want to hold your money until the forex exchange rate is more favorable.
Example of Forex Company: Spark Global Limited
What is Spark Global LTD?
Spark Global LTD known as SGL is Global Broker is a foreign exchange community that uses the Meta Trader 5 system to provide investors with copy order trading services. The platform integrates transaction data and connects to multiple exchanges, improves distributed CRM through liquidity and execution speed, provides technical support for transaction models, meets various business needs of customers, and allows investors to obtain DIY finance Digital analysis trading solutions. It has competitive spreads, which helps customers reduce transaction costs. This makes Spark Global Limited a platform that investors can trust. As a global veteran in foreign exchange, Spark Global Limited is very strong and has a relatively high brand value. It is an international veteran foreign exchange dealer and an old brand with more than ten years of history. This makes Spark Global Limited a platform that investors can trust. For more details you can follow their official facebook) or visit their official website or text them on [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected],)
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Weekly Forex & Currency Update #23 (August 28, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.71 Billion (+0.57%); USD/PKR - 165.87 (-0.886%)

I missed a week there, sorry about that.
The percentage changes in the title are compared to the previous week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since July 30

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
July 30*, 2020 $12.5422 Billion +4.73% +4.16% $19.5629 Billion +3.44% +4.11%
August 07, 2020 $12.4693 Billion -0.58% +3.44% $19.5183 Billion -0.23% +2.98%
August 13*, 2020 $12.6084 Billion +1.12% +4.02% $19.6555 Billion +0.70% +3.19%
August 21, 2020 $12.6408 Billion +0.26% +5.55% $19.7224 Billion +0.34% +4.28%
August 28, 2020 $12.7127 Billion +0.57% +1.36% $19.8428 Billion +0.61% +1.43%
*July 31, 2020 and August 14, 2020 were public holidays.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since July 30

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
July 30, 2020* 167.57230 +0.0888% +0.4328%
August 07, 2020 167.89815 +0.1945% +0.9398%
August 13, 2020* 167.99815 +0.0596% +0.4358%
August 21, 2020 168.21480 +0.1290% +0.4726%
August 27, 2020* 167.35600 -0.5105% -0.1291%
September 04, 2020 165.87335 -0.8859% -1.2060%
*July 31, 2020 and August 14, 2020 were public holidays. Data for August 28, 2020 is not available.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on September 06, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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No, the British did not steal $45 trillion from India

This is an updated copy of the version on BadHistory. I plan to update it in accordance with the feedback I got.
I'd like to thank two people who will remain anonymous for helping me greatly with this post (you know who you are)
Three years ago a festschrift for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri was published by Shubhra Chakrabarti, a history teacher at the University of Delhi and Utsa Patnaik, a Marxist economist who taught at JNU until 2010.
One of the essays in the festschirt by Utsa Patnaik was an attempt to quantify the "drain" undergone by India during British Rule. Her conclusion? Britain robbed India of $45 trillion (or £9.2 trillion) during their 200 or so years of rule. This figure was immensely popular, and got republished in several major news outlets (here, here, here, here (they get the number wrong) and more recently here), got a mention from the Minister of External Affairs & returns 29,100 results on Google. There's also plenty of references to it here on Reddit.
Patnaik is not the first to calculate such a figure. Angus Maddison thought it was £100 million, Simon Digby said £1 billion, Javier Estaban said £40 million see Roy (2019). The huge range of figures should set off some alarm bells.
So how did Patnaik calculate this (shockingly large) figure? Well, even though I don't have access to the festschrift, she conveniently has written an article detailing her methodology here. Let's have a look.
How exactly did the British manage to diddle us and drain our wealth’ ? was the question that Basudev Chatterjee (later editor of a volume in the Towards Freedom project) had posed to me 50 years ago when we were fellow-students abroad.
This is begging the question.
After decades of research I find that using India’s commodity export surplus as the measure and applying an interest rate of 5%, the total drain from 1765 to 1938, compounded up to 2016, comes to £9.2 trillion; since $4.86 exchanged for £1 those days, this sum equals about $45 trillion.
This is completely meaningless. To understand why it's meaningless consider India's annual coconut exports. These are almost certainly a surplus but the surplus in trade is countered by the other country buying the product (indeed, by definition, trade surpluses contribute to the GDP of a nation which hardly plays into intuitive conceptualisations of drain).
Furthermore, Dewey (2019) critiques the 5% interest rate.
She [Patnaik] consistently adopts statistical assumptions (such as compound interest at a rate of 5% per annum over centuries) that exaggerate the magnitude of the drain
Moving on:
The exact mechanism of drain, or transfers from India to Britain was quite simple.
Convenient.
Drain theory possessed the political merit of being easily grasped by a nation of peasants. [...] No other idea could arouse people than the thought that they were being taxed so that others in far off lands might live in comfort. [...] It was, therefore, inevitable that the drain theory became the main staple of nationalist political agitation during the Gandhian era.
- Chandra et al. (1989)
The key factor was Britain’s control over our taxation revenues combined with control over India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its booming commodity export surplus with the world. Simply put, Britain used locally raised rupee tax revenues to pay for its net import of goods, a highly abnormal use of budgetary funds not seen in any sovereign country.
The issue with figures like these is they all make certain methodological assumptions that are impossible to prove. From Roy in Frankema et al. (2019):
the "drain theory" of Indian poverty cannot be tested with evidence, for several reasons. First, it rests on the counterfactual that any money saved on account of factor payments abroad would translate into domestic investment, which can never be proved. Second, it rests on "the primitive notion that all payments to foreigners are "drain"", that is, on the assumption that these payments did not contribute to domestic national income to the equivalent extent (Kumar 1985, 384; see also Chaudhuri 1968). Again, this cannot be tested. [...] Fourth, while British officers serving India did receive salaries that were many times that of the average income in India, a paper using cross-country data shows that colonies with better paid officers were governed better (Jones 2013).
Indeed, drain theory rests on some very weak foundations. This, in of itself, should be enough to dismiss any of the other figures that get thrown out. Nonetheless, I felt it would be a useful exercise to continue exploring Patnaik's take on drain theory.
The East India Company from 1765 onwards allocated every year up to one-third of Indian budgetary revenues net of collection costs, to buy a large volume of goods for direct import into Britain, far in excess of that country’s own needs.
So what's going on here? Well Roy (2019) explains it better:
Colonial India ran an export surplus, which, together with foreign investment, was used to pay for services purchased from Britain. These payments included interest on public debt, salaries, and pensions paid to government offcers who had come from Britain, salaries of managers and engineers, guaranteed profts paid to railway companies, and repatriated business profts. How do we know that any of these payments involved paying too much? The answer is we do not.
So what was really happening is the government was paying its workers for services (as well as guaranteeing profits - to promote investment - something the GoI does today Dalal (2019), and promoting business in India), and those workers were remitting some of that money to Britain. This is hardly a drain (unless, of course, Indian diaspora around the world today are "draining" it). In some cases, the remittances would take the form of goods (as described) see Chaudhuri (1983):
It is obvious that these debit items were financed through the export surplus on merchandise account, and later, when railway construction started on a large scale in India, through capital import. Until 1833 the East India Company followed a cumbersome method in remitting the annual home charges. This was to purchase export commodities in India out of revenue, which were then shipped to London and the proceeds from their sale handed over to the home treasury.
While Roy's earlier point argues better paid officers governed better, it is honestly impossible to say what part of the repatriated export surplus was a drain, and what was not. However calling all of it a drain is definitely misguided.
It's worth noting that Patnaik seems to make no attempt to quantify the benefits of the Raj either, Dewey (2019)'s 2nd criticism:
she [Patnaik] consistently ignores research that would tend to cut the economic impact of the drain down to size, such as the work on the sources of investment during the industrial revolution (which shows that industrialisation was financed by the ploughed-back profits of industrialists) or the costs of empire school (which stresses the high price of imperial defence)

Since tropical goods were highly prized in other cold temperate countries which could never produce them, in effect these free goods represented international purchasing power for Britain which kept a part for its own use and re-exported the balance to other countries in Europe and North America against import of food grains, iron and other goods in which it was deficient.
Re-exports necessarily adds value to goods when the goods are processed and when the goods are transported. The country with the largest navy at the time would presumably be in very good stead to do the latter.
The British historians Phyllis Deane and WA Cole presented an incorrect estimate of Britain’s 18th-19th century trade volume, by leaving out re-exports completely. I found that by 1800 Britain’s total trade was 62% higher than their estimate, on applying the correct definition of trade including re-exports, that is used by the United Nations and by all other international organisations.
While interesting, and certainly expected for such an old book, re-exporting necessarily adds value to goods.
When the Crown took over from the Company, from 1861 a clever system was developed under which all of India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its fast-rising commodity export surplus with the world, was intercepted and appropriated by Britain. As before up to a third of India’s rising budgetary revenues was not spent domestically but was set aside as ‘expenditure abroad’.
So, what does this mean? Britain appropriated all of India's earnings, and then spent a third of it aboard? Not exactly. She is describing home charges see Roy (2019) again:
Some of the expenditures on defense and administration were made in sterling and went out of the country. This payment by the government was known as the Home Charges. For example, interest payment on loans raised to finance construction of railways and irrigation works, pensions paid to retired officers, and purchase of stores, were payments in sterling. [...] almost all money that the government paid abroad corresponded to the purchase of a service from abroad. [...] The balance of payments system that emerged after 1800 was based on standard business principles. India bought something and paid for it. State revenues were used to pay for wages of people hired abroad, pay for interest on loans raised abroad, and repatriation of profits on foreign investments coming into India. These were legitimate market transactions.
Indeed, if paying for what you buy is drain, then several billions of us are drained every day.
The Secretary of State for India in Council, based in London, invited foreign importers to deposit with him the payment (in gold, sterling and their own currencies) for their net imports from India, and these gold and forex payments disappeared into the yawning maw of the SoS’s account in the Bank of England.
It should be noted that India having two heads was beneficial, and encouraged investment per Roy (2019):
The fact that the India Office in London managed a part of the monetary system made India creditworthy, stabilized its currency, and encouraged foreign savers to put money into railways and private enterprise in India. Current research on the history of public debt shows that stable and large colonies found it easier to borrow abroad than independent economies because the investors trusted the guarantee of the colonist powers.

Against India’s net foreign earnings he issued bills, termed Council bills (CBs), to an equivalent rupee value. The rate (between gold-linked sterling and silver rupee) at which the bills were issued, was carefully adjusted to the last farthing, so that foreigners would never find it more profitable to ship financial gold as payment directly to Indians, compared to using the CB route. Foreign importers then sent the CBs by post or by telegraph to the export houses in India, that via the exchange banks were paid out of the budgeted provision of sums under ‘expenditure abroad’, and the exporters in turn paid the producers (peasants and artisans) from whom they sourced the goods.
Sunderland (2013) argues CBs had two main roles (and neither were part of a grand plot to keep gold out of India):
Council bills had two roles. They firstly promoted trade by handing the IO some control of the rate of exchange and allowing the exchange banks to remit funds to India and to hedge currency transaction risks. They also enabled the Indian government to transfer cash to England for the payment of its UK commitments.

The United Nations (1962) historical data for 1900 to 1960, show that for three decades up to 1928 (and very likely earlier too) India posted the second highest merchandise export surplus in the world, with USA in the first position. Not only were Indians deprived of every bit of the enormous international purchasing power they had earned over 175 years, even its rupee equivalent was not issued to them since not even the colonial government was credited with any part of India’s net gold and forex earnings against which it could issue rupees. The sleight-of-hand employed, namely ‘paying’ producers out of their own taxes, made India’s export surplus unrequited and constituted a tax-financed drain to the metropolis, as had been correctly pointed out by those highly insightful classical writers, Dadabhai Naoroji and RCDutt.
It doesn't appear that others appreciate their insight Roy (2019):
K. N. Chaudhuri rightly calls such practice ‘confused’ economics ‘coloured by political feelings’.

Surplus budgets to effect such heavy tax-financed transfers had a severe employment–reducing and income-deflating effect: mass consumption was squeezed in order to release export goods. Per capita annual foodgrains absorption in British India declined from 210 kg. during the period 1904-09, to 157 kg. during 1937-41, and to only 137 kg by 1946.
Dewey (1978) points out reliability issues with Indian agriculutural statistics, however this calorie decline persists to this day. Some of it is attributed to less food being consumed at home Smith (2015), a lower infectious disease burden Duh & Spears (2016) and diversified diets Vankatesh et al. (2016).
If even a part of its enormous foreign earnings had been credited to it and not entirely siphoned off, India could have imported modern technology to build up an industrial structure as Japan was doing.
This is, unfortunately, impossible to prove. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication that India would've united (this is arguably more plausible than the given counterfactual1). Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been nuked in WW2, much like Japan. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been invaded by lizard people, much like Japan. The list continues eternally.
Nevertheless, I will charitably examine the given counterfactual anyway. Did pre-colonial India have industrial potential? The answer is a resounding no.
From Gupta (1980):
This article starts from the premise that while economic categories - the extent of commodity production, wage labour, monetarisation of the economy, etc - should be the basis for any analysis of the production relations of pre-British India, it is the nature of class struggles arising out of particular class alignments that finally gives the decisive twist to social change. Arguing on this premise, and analysing the available evidence, this article concludes that there was little potential for industrial revolution before the British arrived in India because, whatever might have been the character of economic categories of that period, the class relations had not sufficiently matured to develop productive forces and the required class struggle for a 'revolution' to take place.
A view echoed in Raychaudhuri (1983):
Yet all of this did not amount to an economic situation comparable to that of western Europe on the eve of the industrial revolution. Her technology - in agriculture as well as manufacturers - had by and large been stagnant for centuries. [...] The weakness of the Indian economy in the mid-eighteenth century, as compared to pre-industrial Europe was not simply a matter of technology and commercial and industrial organization. No scientific or geographical revolution formed part of the eighteenth-century Indian's historical experience. [...] Spontaneous movement towards industrialisation is unlikely in such a situation.
So now we've established India did not have industrial potential, was India similar to Japan just before the Meiji era? The answer, yet again, unsurprisingly, is no. Japan's economic situation was not comparable to India's, which allowed for Japan to finance its revolution. From Yasuba (1986):
All in all, the Japanese standard of living may not have been much below the English standard of living before industrialization, and both of them may have been considerably higher than the Indian standard of living. We can no longer say that Japan started from a pathetically low economic level and achieved a rapid or even "miraculous" economic growth. Japan's per capita income was almost as high as in Western Europe before industrialization, and it was possible for Japan to produce surplus in the Meiji Period to finance private and public capital formation.
The circumstances that led to Meiji Japan were extremely unique. See Tomlinson (1985):
Most modern comparisons between India and Japan, written by either Indianists or Japanese specialists, stress instead that industrial growth in Meiji Japan was the product of unique features that were not reproducible elsewhere. [...] it is undoubtably true that Japan's progress to industrialization has been unique and unrepeatable
So there you have it. Unsubstantiated statistical assumptions, calling any number you can a drain & assuming a counterfactual for no good reason gets you this $45 trillion number. Hopefully that's enough to bury it in the ground.
1. Several authors have affirmed that Indian identity is a colonial artefact. For example see Rajan 1969:
Perhaps the single greatest and most enduring impact of British rule over India is that it created an Indian nation, in the modern political sense. After centuries of rule by different dynasties overparts of the Indian sub-continent, and after about 100 years of British rule, Indians ceased to be merely Bengalis, Maharashtrians,or Tamils, linguistically and culturally.
or see Bryant 2000:
But then, it would be anachronistic to condemn eighteenth-century Indians, who served the British, as collaborators, when the notion of 'democratic' nationalism or of an Indian 'nation' did not then exist. [...] Indians who fought for them, differed from the Europeans in having a primary attachment to a non-belligerent religion, family and local chief, which was stronger than any identity they might have with a more remote prince or 'nation'.

Bibliography

Chakrabarti, Shubra & Patnaik, Utsa (2018). Agrarian and other histories: Essays for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri. Colombia University Press
Hickel, Jason (2018). How the British stole $45 trillion from India. The Guardian
Bhuyan, Aroonim & Sharma, Krishan (2019). The Great Loot: How the British stole $45 trillion from India. Indiapost
Monbiot, George (2020). English Landowners have stolen our rights. It is time to reclaim them. The Guardian
Tsjeng, Zing (2020). How Britain Stole $45 trillion from India with trains | Empires of Dirt. Vice
Chaudhury, Dipanjan (2019). British looted $45 trillion from India in today’s value: Jaishankar. The Economic Times
Roy, Tirthankar (2019). How British rule changed India's economy: The Paradox of the Raj. Palgrave Macmillan
Patnaik, Utsa (2018). How the British impoverished India. Hindustan Times
Tuovila, Alicia (2019). Expenditure method. Investopedia
Dewey, Clive (2019). Changing the guard: The dissolution of the nationalist–Marxist orthodoxy in the agrarian and agricultural history of India. The Indian Economic & Social History Review
Chandra, Bipan et al. (1989). India's Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947. Penguin Books
Frankema, Ewout & Booth, Anne (2019). Fiscal Capacity and the Colonial State in Asia and Africa, c. 1850-1960. Cambridge University Press
Dalal, Sucheta (2019). IL&FS Controversy: Centre is Paying Up on Sovereign Guarantees to ADB, KfW for Group's Loan. TheWire
Chaudhuri, K.N. (1983). X - Foreign Trade and Balance of Payments (1757–1947). Cambridge University Press
Sunderland, David (2013). Financing the Raj: The City of London and Colonial India, 1858-1940. Boydell Press
Dewey, Clive (1978). Patwari and Chaukidar: Subordinate officials and the reliability of India’s agricultural statistics. Athlone Press
Smith, Lisa (2015). The great Indian calorie debate: Explaining rising undernourishment during India’s rapid economic growth. Food Policy
Duh, Josephine & Spears, Dean (2016). Health and Hunger: Disease, Energy Needs, and the Indian Calorie Consumption Puzzle. The Economic Journal
Vankatesh, P. et al. (2016). Relationship between Food Production and Consumption Diversity in India – Empirical Evidences from Cross Section Analysis. Agricultural Economics Research Review
Gupta, Shaibal (1980). Potential of Industrial Revolution in Pre-British India. Economic and Political Weekly
Raychaudhuri, Tapan (1983). I - The mid-eighteenth-century background. Cambridge University Press
Yasuba, Yasukichi (1986). Standard of Living in Japan Before Industrialization: From what Level did Japan Begin? A Comment. The Journal of Economic History
Tomblinson, B.R. (1985). Writing History Sideways: Lessons for Indian Economic Historians from Meiji Japan. Cambridge University Press
Rajan, M.S. (1969). The Impact of British Rule in India. Journal of Contemporary History
Bryant, G.J. (2000). Indigenous Mercenaries in the Service of European Imperialists: The Case of the Sepoys in the Early British Indian Army, 1750-1800. War in History
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Weekly Forex & Currency Update #24 (September 11, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.82 Billion (+0.10%); USD/PKR - 165.78 (-0.115%)

I missed a week again. If it happens again I'll put Biweekly in the title.
The percentage changes in the title are compared to the previous week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since August 13

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
August 13*, 2020 $12.6084 Billion +1.12% +4.02% $19.6555 Billion +0.70% +3.19%
August 21, 2020 $12.6408 Billion +0.26% +5.55% $19.7224 Billion +0.34% +4.28%
August 28, 2020 $12.7127 Billion +0.57% +1.36% $19.8428 Billion +0.61% +1.43%
September 04, 2020 $12.8078 Billion +0.75% +2.71% $19.9613 Billion +0.60% +2.27%
September 11, 2020 $12.8204 Billion +0.10% +1.54% $19.9590 Billion -0.01% +1.54%
*August 14, 2020 was a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since August 13

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
August 13, 2020* 167.99815 +0.0596% +0.4358%
August 21, 2020 168.21480 +0.1290% +0.4726%
August 27, 2020* 167.35600 -0.5105% -0.1291%
September 04, 2020 165.87335 -0.8859% -1.2060%
September 11, 2020 165.96950 +0.0459% -0.0173%
September 18, 2020 165.77935 -0.1146% -1.4478%
*August 14, 2020 was a public holiday. Data for August 28, 2020 is not available.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on September 18, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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Weekly Forex & Currency Update #18 (July 17, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.12 Billion (+0.55%); USD/PKR - 167.42 (+0.092%)

The percentage changes in the title are compared to last week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since June 19

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
June 19, 2020 $9.9612 Billion -1.44% -17.50% $16.7301 Billion -0.27% -10.04%
June 26, 2020 $11.2310 Billion +12.75% +8.39% $17.9710 Billion +7.42% +6.07%
July 03, 2020 $12.0416 Billion +7.22% +19.27% $18.7901 Billion +4.56% +12.48%
July 10, 2020 $12.0549 Billion +0.11% +19.27% $18.9526 Billion +0.86% +12.98%
July 17, 2020 $12.1216 Billion +0.55% +21.69% $19.0473 Billion +0.50% +13.85%
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since June 19

Date* USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
June 19, 2020 166.85800 +1.3985% +3.8389%
June 26, 2020 167.49310 +0.3806% +2.5611%
July 03, 2020 166.85015 -0.3839% +2.1757%
July 10, 2020 166.33500 -0.3088% +1.0806%
July 17, 2020 167.26925 +0.5617% +0.2465%
July 24, 2020 167.42360 +0.0923% -0.0415%
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on July 24, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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The Next Crypto Wave: The Rise of Stablecoins and its Entry to the U.S. Dollar Market

The Next Crypto Wave: The Rise of Stablecoins and its Entry to the U.S. Dollar Market

Author: Christian Hsieh, CEO of Tokenomy
This paper examines some explanations for the continual global market demand for the U.S. dollar, the rise of stablecoins, and the utility and opportunities that crypto dollars can offer to both the cryptocurrency and traditional markets.
The U.S. dollar, dominant in world trade since the establishment of the 1944 Bretton Woods System, is unequivocally the world’s most demanded reserve currency. Today, more than 61% of foreign bank reserves and nearly 40% of the entire world’s debt is denominated in U.S. dollars1.
However, there is a massive supply and demand imbalance in the U.S. dollar market. On the supply side, central banks throughout the world have implemented more than a decade-long accommodative monetary policy since the 2008 global financial crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated the need for central banks to provide necessary liquidity and keep staggering economies moving. While the Federal Reserve leads the effort of “money printing” and stimulus programs, the current money supply still cannot meet the constant high demand for the U.S. dollar2. Let us review some of the reasons for this constant dollar demand from a few economic fundamentals.

Demand for U.S. Dollars

Firstly, most of the world’s trade is denominated in U.S. dollars. Chief Economist of the IMF, Gita Gopinath, has compiled data reflecting that the U.S. dollar’s share of invoicing was 4.7 times larger than America’s share of the value of imports, and 3.1 times its share of world exports3. The U.S. dollar is the dominant “invoicing currency” in most developing countries4.

https://preview.redd.it/d4xalwdyz8p51.png?width=535&format=png&auto=webp&s=9f0556c6aa6b29016c9b135f3279e8337dfee2a6

https://preview.redd.it/wucg40kzz8p51.png?width=653&format=png&auto=webp&s=71257fec29b43e0fc0df1bf04363717e3b52478f
This U.S. dollar preference also directly impacts the world’s debt. According to the Bank of International Settlements, there is over $67 trillion in U.S. dollar denominated debt globally, and borrowing outside of the U.S. accounted for $12.5 trillion in Q1 20205. There is an immense demand for U.S. dollars every year just to service these dollar debts. The annual U.S. dollar buying demand is easily over $1 trillion assuming the borrowing cost is at 1.5% (1 year LIBOR + 1%) per year, a conservative estimate.

https://preview.redd.it/6956j6f109p51.png?width=487&format=png&auto=webp&s=ccea257a4e9524c11df25737cac961308b542b69
Secondly, since the U.S. has a much stronger economy compared to its global peers, a higher return on investments draws U.S. dollar demand from everywhere in the world, to invest in companies both in the public and private markets. The U.S. hosts the largest stock markets in the world with more than $33 trillion in public market capitalization (combined both NYSE and NASDAQ)6. For the private market, North America’s total share is well over 60% of the $6.5 trillion global assets under management across private equity, real assets, and private debt investments7. The demand for higher quality investments extends to the fixed income market as well. As countries like Japan and Switzerland currently have negative-yielding interest rates8, fixed income investors’ quest for yield in the developed economies leads them back to the U.S. debt market. As of July 2020, there are $15 trillion worth of negative-yielding debt securities globally (see chart). In comparison, the positive, low-yielding U.S. debt remains a sound fixed income strategy for conservative investors in uncertain market conditions.

Source: Bloomberg
Last, but not least, there are many developing economies experiencing failing monetary policies, where hyperinflation has become a real national disaster. A classic example is Venezuela, where the currency Bolivar became practically worthless as the inflation rate skyrocketed to 10,000,000% in 20199. The recent Beirut port explosion in Lebanon caused a sudden economic meltdown and compounded its already troubled financial market, where inflation has soared to over 112% year on year10. For citizens living in unstable regions such as these, the only reliable store of value is the U.S. dollar. According to the Chainalysis 2020 Geography of Cryptocurrency Report, Venezuela has become one of the most active cryptocurrency trading countries11. The demand for cryptocurrency surges as a flight to safety mentality drives Venezuelans to acquire U.S. dollars to preserve savings that they might otherwise lose. The growth for cryptocurrency activities in those regions is fueled by these desperate citizens using cryptocurrencies as rails to access the U.S. dollar, on top of acquiring actual Bitcoin or other underlying crypto assets.

The Rise of Crypto Dollars

Due to the highly volatile nature of cryptocurrencies, USD stablecoin, a crypto-powered blockchain token that pegs its value to the U.S. dollar, was introduced to provide stable dollar exposure in the crypto trading sphere. Tether is the first of its kind. Issued in 2014 on the bitcoin blockchain (Omni layer protocol), under the token symbol USDT, it attempts to provide crypto traders with a stable settlement currency while they trade in and out of various crypto assets. The reason behind the stablecoin creation was to address the inefficient and burdensome aspects of having to move fiat U.S. dollars between the legacy banking system and crypto exchanges. Because one USDT is theoretically backed by one U.S. dollar, traders can use USDT to trade and settle to fiat dollars. It was not until 2017 that the majority of traders seemed to realize Tether’s intended utility and started using it widely. As of April 2019, USDT trading volume started exceeding the trading volume of bitcoina12, and it now dominates the crypto trading sphere with over $50 billion average daily trading volume13.

https://preview.redd.it/3vq7v1jg09p51.png?width=700&format=png&auto=webp&s=46f11b5f5245a8c335ccc60432873e9bad2eb1e1
An interesting aspect of USDT is that although the claimed 1:1 backing with U.S. dollar collateral is in question, and the Tether company is in reality running fractional reserves through a loose offshore corporate structure, Tether’s trading volume and adoption continues to grow rapidly14. Perhaps in comparison to fiat U.S. dollars, which is not really backed by anything, Tether still has cash equivalents in reserves and crypto traders favor its liquidity and convenience over its lack of legitimacy. For those who are concerned about Tether’s solvency, they can now purchase credit default swaps for downside protection15. On the other hand, USDC, the more compliant contender, takes a distant second spot with total coin circulation of $1.8 billion, versus USDT at $14.5 billion (at the time of publication). It is still too early to tell who is the ultimate leader in the stablecoin arena, as more and more stablecoins are launching to offer various functions and supporting mechanisms. There are three main categories of stablecoin: fiat-backed, crypto-collateralized, and non-collateralized algorithm based stablecoins. Most of these are still at an experimental phase, and readers can learn more about them here. With the continuous innovation of stablecoin development, the utility stablecoins provide in the overall crypto market will become more apparent.

Institutional Developments

In addition to trade settlement, stablecoins can be applied in many other areas. Cross-border payments and remittances is an inefficient market that desperately needs innovation. In 2020, the average cost of sending money across the world is around 7%16, and it takes days to settle. The World Bank aims to reduce remittance fees to 3% by 2030. With the implementation of blockchain technology, this cost could be further reduced close to zero.
J.P. Morgan, the largest bank in the U.S., has created an Interbank Information Network (IIN) with 416 global Institutions to transform the speed of payment flows through its own JPM Coin, another type of crypto dollar17. Although people argue that JPM Coin is not considered a cryptocurrency as it cannot trade openly on a public blockchain, it is by far the largest scale experiment with all the institutional participants trading within the “permissioned” blockchain. It might be more accurate to refer to it as the use of distributed ledger technology (DLT) instead of “blockchain” in this context. Nevertheless, we should keep in mind that as J.P. Morgan currently moves $6 trillion U.S. dollars per day18, the scale of this experiment would create a considerable impact in the international payment and remittance market if it were successful. Potentially the day will come when regulated crypto exchanges become participants of IIN, and the link between public and private crypto assets can be instantly connected, unlocking greater possibilities in blockchain applications.
Many central banks are also in talks about developing their own central bank digital currency (CBDC). Although this idea was not new, the discussion was brought to the forefront due to Facebook’s aggressive Libra project announcement in June 2019 and the public attention that followed. As of July 2020, at least 36 central banks have published some sort of CBDC framework. While each nation has a slightly different motivation behind its currency digitization initiative, ranging from payment safety, transaction efficiency, easy monetary implementation, or financial inclusion, these central banks are committed to deploying a new digital payment infrastructure. When it comes to the technical architectures, research from BIS indicates that most of the current proofs-of-concept tend to be based upon distributed ledger technology (permissioned blockchain)19.

https://preview.redd.it/lgb1f2rw19p51.png?width=700&format=png&auto=webp&s=040bb0deed0499df6bf08a072fd7c4a442a826a0
These institutional experiments are laying an essential foundation for an improved global payment infrastructure, where instant and frictionless cross-border settlements can take place with minimal costs. Of course, the interoperability of private DLT tokens and public blockchain stablecoins has yet to be explored, but the innovation with both public and private blockchain efforts could eventually merge. This was highlighted recently by the Governor of the Bank of England who stated that “stablecoins and CBDC could sit alongside each other20”. One thing for certain is that crypto dollars (or other fiat-linked digital currencies) are going to play a significant role in our future economy.

Future Opportunities

There is never a dull moment in the crypto sector. The industry narratives constantly shift as innovation continues to evolve. Twelve years since its inception, Bitcoin has evolved from an abstract subject to a familiar concept. Its role as a secured, scarce, decentralized digital store of value has continued to gain acceptance, and it is well on its way to becoming an investable asset class as a portfolio hedge against asset price inflation and fiat currency depreciation. Stablecoins have proven to be useful as proxy dollars in the crypto world, similar to how dollars are essential in the traditional world. It is only a matter of time before stablecoins or private digital tokens dominate the cross-border payments and global remittances industry.
There are no shortages of hypes and experiments that draw new participants into the crypto space, such as smart contracts, new blockchains, ICOs, tokenization of things, or the most recent trends on DeFi tokens. These projects highlight the possibilities for a much more robust digital future, but the market also needs time to test and adopt. A reliable digital payment infrastructure must be built first in order to allow these experiments to flourish.
In this paper we examined the historical background and economic reasons for the U.S. dollar’s dominance in the world, and the probable conclusion is that the demand for U.S. dollars will likely continue, especially in the middle of a global pandemic, accompanied by a worldwide economic slowdown. The current monetary system is far from perfect, but there are no better alternatives for replacement at least in the near term. Incremental improvements are being made in both the public and private sectors, and stablecoins have a definite role to play in both the traditional and the new crypto world.
Thank you.

Reference:
[1] How the US dollar became the world’s reserve currency, Investopedia
[2] The dollar is in high demand, prone to dangerous appreciation, The Economist
[3] Dollar dominance in trade and finance, Gita Gopinath
[4] Global trades dependence on dollars, The Economist & IMF working papers
[5] Total credit to non-bank borrowers by currency of denomination, BIS
[6] Biggest stock exchanges in the world, Business Insider
[7] McKinsey Global Private Market Review 2020, McKinsey & Company
[8] Central banks current interest rates, Global Rates
[9] Venezuela hyperinflation hits 10 million percent, CNBC
[10] Lebanon inflation crisis, Reuters
[11] Venezuela cryptocurrency market, Chainalysis
[12] The most used cryptocurrency isn’t Bitcoin, Bloomberg
[13] Trading volume of all crypto assets, coinmarketcap.com
[14] Tether US dollar peg is no longer credible, Forbes
[15] New crypto derivatives let you bet on (or against) Tether’s solvency, Coindesk
[16] Remittance Price Worldwide, The World Bank
[17] Interbank Information Network, J.P. Morgan
[18] Jamie Dimon interview, CBS News
[19] Rise of the central bank digital currency, BIS
[20] Speech by Andrew Bailey, 3 September 2020, Bank of England
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Emerging markets: Premature rally

BNP Paribas






submitted by Altruistic_Camel to econmonitor [link] [comments]

Weekly Forex & Currency Update #22 (August 13, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.61 Billion (+1.12%); USD/PKR - 168.21 (+0.129%)

The percentage changes in the title are compared to the previous week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since July 17

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
July 17, 2020 $12.1216 Billion +0.55% +21.69% $19.0473 Billion +0.50% +13.85%
July 24, 2020 $11.9756 Billion -1.20% +6.63% $18.9122 Billion -0.71% +5.24%
July 30*, 2020 $12.5422 Billion +4.73% +4.16% $19.5629 Billion +3.44% +4.11%
August 07, 2020 $12.4693 Billion -0.58% +3.44% $19.5183 Billion -0.23% +2.98%
August 13*, 2020 $12.6084 Billion +1.12% +4.02% $19.6555 Billion +0.70% +3.19%
*July 31, 2020 and August 14, 2020 were public holidays.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since July 17

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
July 17, 2020 167.26925 +0.5617% +0.2465%
July 24, 2020 167.42360 +0.0923% -0.0415%
July 30, 2020* 167.57230 +0.0888% +0.4328%
August 07, 2020 167.89815 +0.1945% +0.9398%
August 13, 2020* 167.99815 +0.0596% +0.4358%
August 21, 2020 168.21480 +0.1290% +0.4726%
*July 31, 2020 and August 14, 2020 were public holidays.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on August 22, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

Why a Live Forex Chart is important For Traders

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With the help of live forex charts, you can know the moving averages and when the price has gone above or below. Day trading does not require much analysis apart from some real time history of price movements. It is a vital tool in a seasoned trader's toolbox and the newbie simply cannot do without it. Getting technical indicators upfront in real time has come as a big boon to online forex traders coast to coast. forex broker review
With live charts you can identify when the market has entered an overbought zone with the help of RSI. To enter and exit a trade and also for working on multiple indicators, you need live charts to guide you through. If two indicators like the RSI and MACD indicate buy signals, then you could buy and forex market requires taking decisions in a flash. To make profits and keep losses to the minimum, use forex live chart.
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Traders depend solely on the chart prices to plan their moves and they have to be real time stuff to be of any use. Depending on what type of trade you would be doing, you should select the right software for viewing forex charts. You can monitor every single move the currency pair makes as well as keep track of technical indicators.
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submitted by Sure_Statistician384 to u/Sure_Statistician384 [link] [comments]

EUR/USD forecast: Euro doesn’t believe its luck

EUUSD forecast: Euro doesn’t believe its luck

Fundamental euro forecast for today

EUUSD bulls do not believe Christine Lagarde’s optimism

ECB is monitoring the euro exchange rate, but it is not willing to start a currency war now. Christine Lagarde expressed optimism about the euro-area economic recovery, the ECB president hasn’t signaled the further monetary easing in the near future. Lagarde’s speech should have encouraged the EUUSD bulls, but they didn’t believe the good news, so they didn’t go ahead. It looks like a catch. The ECB officials express concerns about the euro strengthening ahead of the Governing Council meeting, and, next, the ECB president sounds hawkish.
At the press conference, Christine Lagarde several times stressed that exchange rates and the euro appreciation were not the ECB policy target. However, the exchange rate was the most discussed topic at the Governing Council meeting in September. According to a Reuters source familiar with the matter, the ECB officials have agreed that the EUUSD rally resulted from a faster economic rebound in the euro area compared to the US growth, the Fed’s easy monetary policy, the increased confidence in the currency bloc due to the management of the pandemic fallout. Moreover, the upcoming presidential election in the US weighs on the US dollar. Bloomberg’s leading indicators signal that the GDP recovery is the fastest in Germany. After a temporary downturn in France, Italy, and Spain on concern about the second wave of the COVID-19 outbreak, the economic activity is gradually increasing. The UK, US, and Canada persistently lag behind.

Dynamics of the economic recovery


Source: Bloomberg
Four sources on the ECB's Governing Council told Reuters that the ECB acknowledges the negative effects of the euro's strength on inflation and growth, but the central bank is not willing to start a currency war. Speaking after the meeting, two sources said they saw $1.20 as not far from the equilibrium exchange rate at present. According to Citigroup, if the EUUSD is up by another 5%, the European Central Bank will take active measures. In the meanwhile, the regulator is carefully monitoring the exchange rates of the regional currency. The Governing Council policymakers at the meeting considered adopting the language used to stem the euro's previous rally, in early 2018, when the former ECB President Mario Draghi described "volatility in the exchange rate" as "a source of uncertainty", according to Reuters.
The Reuters sources say the southern countries of the eurozone are much more concerned about the euro strengthening than the northern ones. The Governing Council hawks wanted Lagarde to note the great progress in the euro-area economic recovery. François Villeroy de Galhau, the governor of the French central bank, insisted on this especially strongly.
So, the EUUSD bulls feared verbal interventions, signals of monetary easing, and the ECB willingness to follow the Fed’s example and target the average inflation. None of the fears came true. However, the euro hasn’t consolidated above $1.19. Are the buyers so weak? Or, they could feel a catch and will resume attacks after the ECB officials’ speeches. I suppose both scenarios should be considered. If the euro rises above $1.192, it will be relevant to buy. If it slides down below the support levels of $1.1795 and $1.1765, we should sell the euro versus the dollar.
For more information follow the link to the website of the LiteForex
https://www.liteforex.com/blog/analysts-opinions/eurusd-forecast-euro-doesnt-believe-its-luck/?uid=285861726&cid=62423
submitted by Maxvelgus to Finance_analytics [link] [comments]

Weekly Forex & Currency Update #21 (August 07, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.47 Billion (-0.58%); USD/PKR - 168.00 (+0.0596%)

The percentage changes in the title are compared to last week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since July 10

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
July 10, 2020 $12.0549 Billion +0.11% +19.27% $18.9526 Billion +0.86% +12.98%
July 17, 2020 $12.1216 Billion +0.55% +21.69% $19.0473 Billion +0.50% +13.85%
July 24, 2020 $11.9756 Billion -1.20% +6.63% $18.9122 Billion -0.71% +5.24%
July 30*, 2020 $12.5422 Billion +4.73% +4.16% $19.5629 Billion +3.44% +4.11%
August 07, 2020 $12.4693 Billion -0.58% +3.44% $19.5183 Billion -0.23% +2.98%
*July 31, 2020 was Eid ul-Adha, a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since July 10

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
July 10, 2020 166.33500 -0.3088% +1.0806%
July 17, 2020 167.26925 +0.5617% +0.2465%
July 24, 2020 167.42360 +0.0923% -0.0415%
July 30, 2020* 167.57230 +0.0888% +0.4328%
August 07, 2020 167.89815 +0.1945% +0.9398%
August 13, 2020* 167.99815 +0.0596% +0.4358%
*July 31, 2020 and August 14, 2020 were public holidays.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on August 16, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

Weekly Forex & Currency Update #19 (July 24, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $11.98 Billion (-1.20%); USD/PKR - 167.57 (-0.089%)

The percentage changes in the title are compared to last week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since June 26

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
June 26, 2020 $11.2310 Billion +12.75% +8.39% $17.9710 Billion +7.42% +6.07%
July 03, 2020 $12.0416 Billion +7.22% +19.27% $18.7901 Billion +4.56% +12.48%
July 10, 2020 $12.0549 Billion +0.11% +19.27% $18.9526 Billion +0.86% +12.98%
July 17, 2020 $12.1216 Billion +0.55% +21.69% $19.0473 Billion +0.50% +13.85%
July 24, 2020 $11.9756 Billion -1.20% +6.63% $18.9122 Billion -0.71% +5.24%
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since June 26

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
June 26, 2020 167.49310 +0.3806% +2.5611%
July 03, 2020 166.85015 -0.3839% +2.1757%
July 10, 2020 166.33500 -0.3088% +1.0806%
July 17, 2020 167.26925 +0.5617% +0.2465%
July 24, 2020 167.42360 +0.0923% -0.0415%
July 30, 2020* 167.57230 +0.0888% +0.4328%
*July 31, 2020 was Eid ul-Adha, a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on July 30, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

CBN devalues the Naira

The central bank had devalued the official exchange rate to N380/$1 from N360.1/$1. The adjustment occurred on Thursday, August 6th, 2020. The adjustment is thought to be a move towards unification of the multiple exchange rate windows.
The CBN has adjusted the official exchange rate twice this year. The first one was from N307/$1 to N360/$1 and then just last week, from N360/$1 to N380/$1.
The parallel market exchange rate has averaged N475/$1 more recently.
According to Bloomberg, “Goldman Sachs Group Inc. this week said a significant devaluation of the naira is likely in 12 to 18 months to stabilize Nigeria’s external accounts. An exchange rate of 500-550 per dollar should bring about the desired balance”.
The direction of the exchange rate will be determined by oil prices, growth in the global economy, and Nigeria’s forex policies. The exchange rate disparity is currently due to low forex supply, caused in part by the Covid-19 pandemic which has kept foreign investment out of the country limiting the supply available to the government. If this situation improves, then we could see a convergence between the parallel market to the NAFEX market with the former strengthening towards the latter.
However, a further devaluation could occur if forex scarcity persists and corporates find it difficult to purchase forex at the NAFEX(I&E) window driving up demand at the black market.
https://nairametrics.com/2020/08/13/nigerias-should-expect-a-significant-devaluation-to-n550-1-goldman-sachs/
submitted by vegasbm to Nigeria_FreeSpeech [link] [comments]

Weekly Forex & Currency Update #20 (July 30, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.54 Billion (+4.73%); USD/PKR - 167.90 (+0.194%)

The percentage changes in the title are compared to last week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since July 03

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
July 03, 2020 $12.0416 Billion +7.22% +19.27% $18.7901 Billion +4.56% +12.48%
July 10, 2020 $12.0549 Billion +0.11% +19.27% $18.9526 Billion +0.86% +12.98%
July 17, 2020 $12.1216 Billion +0.55% +21.69% $19.0473 Billion +0.50% +13.85%
July 24, 2020 $11.9756 Billion -1.20% +6.63% $18.9122 Billion -0.71% +5.24%
July 30*, 2020 $12.5422 Billion +4.73% +4.16% $19.5629 Billion +3.44% +4.11%
*July 31, 2020 was Eid ul-Adha, a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since July 03

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
July 03, 2020 166.85015 -0.3839% +2.1757%
July 10, 2020 166.33500 -0.3088% +1.0806%
July 17, 2020 167.26925 +0.5617% +0.2465%
July 24, 2020 167.42360 +0.0923% -0.0415%
July 30, 2020* 167.57230 +0.0888% +0.4328%
August 07, 2020 167.89815 +0.1945% +0.9398%
*July 31, 2020 was Eid ul-Adha, a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on August 07, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

Weekly Forex & Currency Update #14 (May 08, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.27 Billion (-0.48%); USD/PKR - 159.94 (+0.021%)

The percentage changes in the title are compared to last week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since April 10

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
April 10, 2020 $10.9746 Billion +2.35% -13.45% $17.2955 Billion +1.81% -7.72%
April 17, 2020 $10.8892 Billion -0.78% -9.17% $17.3003 Billion +0.03% -4.45%
April 24, 2020 $12.0703 Billion +10.85% +7.91% $18.4630 Billion +6.72% +6.19%
April 30, 2020* $12.3294 Billion +2.15% +14.99% $18.7551 Billion +1.58% +10.40%
May 08, 2020 $12.2707 Billion -0.48% +11.81% $18.7445 Billion -0.06% +8.38%
* May 1 was a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since April 10

Date* USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
April 10, 2020 166.81945 -0.0067% +4.8392%
April 17, 2020 166.67915 -0.0841% +2.9480%
April 24, 2020 160.87180 -3.4841% -3.3206%
April 30, 2020* 160.58945 -0.1755% -3.7282%
May 08, 2020 159.90335 -0.4272% -4.1459%
May 15, 2020 159.93695 +0.0210% -0.5811%
* May 1 was a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on May 15, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

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Forex trading: AUDUSD exchange rate forecast - YouTube CA Final SFM  Forex - Exchange Rates Theorems - YouTube CA Final SFM  Forex Exchange Rates - Cross Rates - YouTube Introduction to Exchange Rates and Forex Markets - YouTube What Influences Exchange Rates? - YouTube Forex currency exchange rate in SerbiaSerbian dinar exchange rate today  usd to serbian dinar Forex Trading With Average Daily Range And Median Price ... Foreign exchange rate and its types - YouTube Financial Management - Forex - Exchange Rate quotes CA Final SFM  Forex - Exchange Rates Theorems : Exam ...

Date (GMT): Rate** Average: 1.594161: 31 Dec 1990: 1.784103: 31 Dec 1991: 1.767354: 31 Dec 1992: 1.766306: 31 Dec 1993: 1.501607: 31 Dec 1994: 1.531853: 31 Dec 1995 ... View over 20 years of historical exchange rate data, including yearly and monthly average rates in various currencies. The term "average exchange rate" is defined in section 1(1) of the Act and means, in relation to a year of assessment, the average exchange rate determined by using the closing spot rates at the end of daily or monthly intervals during a year of assessment. This rate must be applied consistently within that year of assessment. The South African Reserve Bank (SARB) determines weighted average ... Monthly Average Converter Canadian Dollar per 1 US Dollar Monthly average averageYear 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 Graph is being loaded... Average exchange rate for: October: 1 EUR: 0,8744 GBP: Average exchange rate for: November: 1 EUR: 0,8577 GBP: Average exchange rate for: December: 1 EUR: 0,8478 GBP: The yearly Bank of England exchange rate in 2019 for the Euro: 0,8771 GBP. Quick links: Average 2020 exchange rate; Average 2019 exchange rate ; Average 2018 exchange rate; Average 2017 exchange rate; Average 2016 exchange rate ... Monthly Average Converter South African Rand per 1 US Dollar Monthly average averageYear 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 Graph is being loaded... Average exchange rate for: October: 1 EUR: 0,9065 GBP: Average exchange rate for: November: 1 EUR: 0,8995 GBP: Average exchange rate for: December: 1 EUR - GBP: The yearly Bank of England exchange rate in 2020 for the Euro: 0,8879 GBP. Quick links: Average 2020 exchange rate; Average 2019 exchange rate; Average 2018 exchange rate ; Average 2017 exchange rate; Average 2016 exchange rate ...

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